Naomi Klein has never been one to shy away from her research. She first gained fame for her non-fiction book No Logo and has only grown in popularity following the release of The Shock Doctrine (Picador, 2008. ISBN: 0312427999).
In The Shock Doctrine, Klein puts forth a frightening argument: politicians and policy makers push through unpopular and painful economic programs immediately following moments of intense shock affecting a society. Why is it done immediately after a shocking moment, like 9/11 or the invasion of Iraq? Because it works.
A History of Torture
In order to truly understand just how shock can affect an individual and a society, Klein starts by examining the history of shock therapy and its failures as it was adapted by government agencies in an attempt to re-wire the human brain.
Klein speaks with victims of shock therapy, people whose minds have been wiped clean with the hopes that something new could be written on the blank slates. But rather than re-wire the test subjects, scientists and government agencies found that it was only possible to reduce the subjects to infant-like creatures incapable of "re-learning."
The Use of Shock
Klein then examines free-market ideologue Milton Friedman's connections to the dictatorship of Augsuto Pinochet, who overthrew the democratically-elected leadership of Chile with the help of the United States, which regularly took part in coups throughout South America.
Pinochet employed the help of numerous economists from the University of Chicago to employ a broad-based free market economic reform package nicknamed "The Brick," which was forced onto the populace by employing fear tactics. Opponents were murdered. Suspicious people were tortured.
Operation Shock and Awe
The unpopular economic reforms always take place after moments of social shock, Klein argues, because that's when the population is most vulnerable. In Iraq, economic reforms and the privatization of numerous public agencies happened directly after the invasion. In southeast Asia, a tsunami washes away pesky homes along the beach front, allowing the government to sell off the land to private hotel developers. In Britain, a little war helps Margaret Thatcher's favorability ratings after she enacts numerous privatization schemes that have cost taxpayers millions.
Klein's point is that it happens again and again because it works so well. Since most people aren't in favor of letting Blackwater into their neighborhoods and sell of their public utilities and public schools, it helps to wait until after Hurricane Katrina hits.
Klein has been criticized, and in return she's answered some of the more egregious criticisms. The most famous criticism came from the Cato Institute, which coincidentally has employed the services of a former Pinochet staffer. Klein responded to the charges with detail, allowing readers to take a more intimate look at both her sources and her critics.
Despite the stretch she may make for connections between certain events, it's clear that Klein's well-written argument--that shock can help governments force through unpopular reforms--is happening all around us. Anyone interested in world policies should read this book.